//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\ CHAKULA ISSUE NO. 12, March 2005: 'Review Recent ICT Policy Issues and WSIS' A Newsletter on ICT Policy issues in Africa Newsletter of the Association for Progressive Communications (APC) - Africa ICT Policy Monitor Project aims to mobilise African Civil Society for ICT policy for development and social justice. //\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\ 1. Editorial 2. Review Recent ICT Policy Issues - The Digital Solidarity Fund and The Economist - Kenya Regulatory debacle 3. Featured Stories - WSIS and Africa: Running with the Horses or Sleeping with the Dogs - Zambia's long march to an information society: Can a national information policy catalyse this process? 4. Subscribing to 'Chakula' //\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\ 1. EDITORIAL In this issue of Chakula, we bring you a round up of recent ICT policy issues with recent reports and reviews following the second phase of WSIS process. Among the recent ICT policy issues review include the issue on the Digital Solidarity Fund (DSF) and The Economist, while the second article covers the recent debates on Kenya's communications regulatory debacle following the disbandment of the Kenya Regulatory Commission Board. We have also brought to you our regular feature articles, a review a participant's experience after having attended the WSIS process in Accra, and the second article an analysis of the Zambia ICT policy process. APC Africa ICT Policy Monitor Team http://africa.rights.apc.org //\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\ 2. RECENT ICT POLICY ISSUES The Digital Solidarity Fund and The Economist On March 10, 2005, the Economist featured reports and an editorial on the digital divide in which it derided the Digital Solidarity Fund (DSF), which had been welcomed by governments at the WSIS Prepcom 2 in Geneva in February and was due to be launched on March 14, 2005. In its editorial on `the real digital divide', the Economist made the following claims about the Digital Solidarity Fund: * That on March14th, the United Nations will launch a"Digital Solidarity Fund". * That waving a magic wand to cause a computer to appear in every household on earth is just the sort of thing for which the UN's new fund is intended. * Technology firms operating in poor countries will be encouraged to donate 1% of their profits to the fund. None of these claims are true. The DSF is not a UN Fund. It has been independently established in terms of Swiss law. The DSF has modest aims and financial resources and has no plans to put a computer in every household on earth. The DSF's 1% financial mechanism is not 1% of the profits of every technology company operating in poor countries. It is a 1% levy on IT procurement contracts that municipalities may impose on winning bidders for such contracts. The difference between the two is massive. One may ask why the Economist has appeared to get its facts so wrong. It seems to be more than an honest journalistic mistake. The degree of hyperbole in its claims around the DSF's putative aims to place a computer in every household on earth as a form of magic and to raise the funding to do so by massive taxation on IT companies is curious to say the least. It seems a deliberate action, designed to destroy the credibility of the DSF at its inception. Of itself, this may be a minor matter. But it is also linked to the trumpeting of mobile telephony as the real solution to the digital divide as opposed to the provision of internet connectivity in developing countries. The Economist opines that the internet is of no use to the poor who are illiterate and have other needs to attend to. To support this proposition it cites the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation's funding approach as one that puts health care above the extension of computers. It also cites research put before an unnamed conference by Vodafone. So there you have it - the world's biggest computer software company and the world's biggest mobile phone company thinks that mobile phones are more useful to poor people than computers and the internet. Just for good measure the Economist throws in some World Bank figures that 'show that poor people in developing countries spend a larger proportion of their income on telecommunications than those in the rich world. Yet this is all merely indirect evidence for the impact of mobile telecommunications on economic growth. After all, as people become richer, they have more money to spend on things like phone calls.' Forthcoming research by the South African-based Link Centre shows that in Uganda, the showpiece for mobile telephony in Africa, 95% say the cost of calls prevents them from making more phone calls from their mobile phones. Yet the Economist is happy to say that 'set against the medieval living conditions in much of the developing world, it seems foolhardy to throw money at fancy computers and internet links.' It doesn't sound like Ugandans are so rich as to spend a lot of their income on mobile phones. So basically the Economist is spinning a propaganda line. This seems to be an increasing feature of developed country media. See, for example, the New York Times' investigation into the Bush administration's use of video news releases and the acquiescence of network television in this deception (coincidentally published on March 13, 2005). The ideological work preformed by the Economist seems aimed at reasserting the dominance of market forces as a solution to the problems of development. Surely the Economist could have made the case without calumny against the UN and the DSF. Or is this a sign of a mild hysteria in the ideological mechanisms of the North that the South is losing patience with market fundamentalism and that the goals of development require more than just the deployment of Vodafone and Microsoft to achieve. There are other ways of bridging the digital divide in which the use of market forces is but one mechanism and not the only one. A new paradigm is emerging for Information and Communications for Development (ICD) that draws on the network effects of the internet to deliver ICT-enabled services to the poor and just the kind of synergies between local government and citizens that the DSF is keen to promote. While market growth has expanded access to telecommunications dramatically, particularly to mobile telephony, this trend alone will not usher in an 'information society' where everyone is included. This is particularly important in areas that are under-served by markets or "development zones" (as opposed to market zones). In development zones, a range of technologies, including new wireless technologies, is needed to deliver ICT-enabled content and services that can make a difference to poor people's economic capacities. Development of regional and national infrastructures is important in laying the foundations for more cost-effective access and delivery of services. It is on those networks, if access to them is open and not subject to monopoly or excessive charges, that integration into the national and global economy depends. Providing access of isolated and poor people to the global information networks contributes to a global public good, but is only paid by the poor people themselves. The addition of more countries and users to the internet increases the value of the network for everybody, and in particular for ICT industries in the North that gain new markets for devices, software and connectivity, both among the newly connected as well as among the already connected that communicate with them. Big industries are 'free riders' that benefit without paying, and a global tax on microchips, spam or on domains would be justified and provide reliable resources for developing countries to connect their people. Such a tax could be administered by the DSF. Equally important is ensuring that citizens are able to make use of network infrastructure with the secure knowledge that they have the right to free expression. Without human rights there can be no truly inclusive information society. The DSF -with its focus on cities and the local level- has a vital role to play in mobilising partnerships and resources, and directing attention to the importance of bridging the digital divide. The Economist's claim that 'the digital divide that really matters is between those with access to a mobile network and those without' is one-dimensional and hollow. The digital divide will not be bridged by one technology alone. It requires more than this. Another world of communications and development is possible. For other news, reports and resources related to WSIS and Africa, click this link; http://africa.rights.apc.org/index.shtml?apc=29740se_1 //\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\ Kenya Regulatory Debacle Kenya has dominated news headlines in the past few weeks not only at the local level but also across the African continent and global levels, unfortunately for the wrong reasons. The headlines have been the result of Mr Raphael Tuju, the Minister of Information and Communications' decision to dissolve of the board of the Communications Commission of Kenya (CCK) that is charged with regulating the communications and information sector. According to initial reports, the Minister's decision to dissolve the board was not immediately clear, but following the reaction and pressure from industry stakeholders, particularly the Telecommunication Service Providers of Kenya (TESPOK) alongside civil society organizations - the Kenya civil society caucus of the WSIS, the Minister addressed a press conference where he indicated his move was aimed at facilitating "investigations into the various issues that had come to the attention of the ministry" [i]. Pressed further to reveal more details, the Minister declined to comment on the nature of issues under investigation and when questioned on the issue of whether he acted beyond his powers by dissolving the board including the Director General (DG) who enjoyed security of tenure, the Minister replied, "The existence of security of tenure is debatable and I am ready for any one to challenge my decision in a court of law.[ii]" This clearly set the scene for battle between the Minister and various stakeholders as the several industry groups rallied other like minded interest groups and continued to build pressure on the Minister to justify his actions. Civil society and industry groups were concerned that dire consequences would follow, as the Chairperson of the African ISP Association, Mr. W. Stucke, who is based in South Africa reacted to the story by saying "Good grief! Now watch investments in Africa as a whole, not just Kenya wither up and blow away in the wind"[iii]. This seemed to have caught the attention of the Kenya parliamentary select committee who called onto the Minister to answer on to why he did take such drastic action with no formal explanation to parliament[iv]. In the meanwhile, numerous debates continue on various mailing lists while at the same time media statements continue to be issued from various stakeholders - with each addressing a point or two on some key contentious issues. From this debacle, certain key areas or questions remain contentious, we gather some of the interesting perspectives and reveal new insights into regulatory and policy issues in Kenya; - Did the Minister act within his powers to dissolve the regulatory board including the Director General? - Does the Minister's action demonstrate the case of a weak regulatory environment where the independence of the regulator is not guaranteed due to political interference? - What possible changes can there be made to the law to build in some checks on the Minister's powers and thereby allow for an independent regulator to exist but that would also allow for an independent investigation into the actions of the regulator should the Minister deem it necessary. Composition and Appointment of the Board The Kenya Communications Act of 1998 is not clear on the issue of the dissolution of the board but the Act makes mandatory provision for appointment of Board members. On the contrary the Act seems to envision a permanent and continuously functioning Board through the appointment of board members "at different times so that the respective expiry dates of their terms of office shall fall at different times"[v]. The board comprises of 11 members, a chairman appointed by the president, 3 ex-officials appointed by virtual of their position in government (Permanent Secretaries in the Ministry of Information and Communications, Finance, and Internal Security) and the Director-General appointed by the Minister and at least five other members appointed by the Minister by virtue of their experience in matters relating postal services, telecommunications, radio-communications, commerce or related consumer interests. In another perspective and contrary to media reports as well as wide ranging press releases, according the Act it seems the Director General does not enjoy security of tenure and by implication serves at the pleasure of the President (to whom the Minister recommends appointment). In addition, the Director General is not subject to the provisions of the first schedule of the Act on issues on conduct and business affairs of board. Neither are the other ex-officio members (Permanent Secretaries) and the Chairman. It thus appears that neither the Director General nor the Chairman enjoys security of tenure. In addition, the State Corporations Act provides for the President to revoke the appointment of any member of the Board and may himself nominate a new member for the remainder of the period of office of that member or he may constitute a new Board[vi]. It is worthwhile to note that the Minister in his response to the media said the president and the Cabinet were aware of his decision and supported him despite the uproar it has caused among industry stakeholders. "I act for the Government and the President was fully aware of the decision that I took," Tuju said[vii]. This statement would imply the Minister was acting within the law in his actions and his resolve that his actions were within legal terms and did challenge anyone who thought otherwise to debate this in court However, it is also interesting to note that Schedule 2 of the Communications Act, Schedule 2 states that the Minister can only remove the members of the Board, including the Chairman only under certain circumstances of which none seem to have applied at the time the Minister took his action. In this case, it could also imply that the Minister did act ultra-vires of his powers to dismiss the Board in terms of the Act[viii].. Allegations of Impropriety and Irregularities at the Commission The media have alleged that the CCK was involved in irregularities and this may be some of the key issues that might be under investigation by the Minister. Among these alleged irregularities and alleged impropriety has been the issue of corruption. One of the key issues reported by the media is that illegal international telephony operations have been taking place in Kenya and the Commission allegedly is implicated as having allowed this to continue under its nose. Other allegations of irregularities have been reported related to the issue of licencing for Kenya's third mobile operator, a situation that has seen the different interest groups in and out of court with the result that till today no third mobile operator is operational. There have been three court cases so far, with one cleared recently leaving two pending cases, one between the company that won the bid (Econet Wireless Kenya) versus the Minister of Information and Communication and the second case between Econet Wireless Kenya and one of the company that lost the bid (Kenya Telecommunications Investment Group) [ix]. The same can be said of the case involving the tender process for the second national fixed telephone operator licence that was stopped by the Public Procurement Complaints Review and Appeals Board (PPCRAB). In this case the PPCRAB stopped the tender process in response to an appeal by one of bidders (Taifacom Ltd) over CCK's alleged omissions in the tender process. According to the media, the PPCRAB had taken into account of the "the critical failure in evaluation by CCK and also the interference in the tender process and disclosure of information by CCK, and found that the procurement process has been seriously flawed and compromised"[x]. In addition media reports also alleged that the tendering process was flawed as one of the bidders had been allowed to change some aspects of their bid after the closure of submissions[xi]. These allegations of irregularities and alleged impropriety could be some the key factors behind the disbandment of the Board given the Minister's statement 'issues under investigation'. However, one cannot fail to note that the only criterion CCK meets in terms of exercising full independent powers is with respect to licensing. If there are allegations of corruption related to the third mobile or the SNO, these would need to have been tested in a court of law before the Minister can take action. A Weak Regulator? One of the key concerns that have arisen from this debacle relates to the issue of the independence of the regulator. The Communications Act section 5 deals with issues of the Commission's object and purpose. As indicated earlier the Act obliges the commission in the performance of its functions to have regard to any policy guidelines notified to the Commission by the Minister. This is clear: the Minister may direct the Commission to act on a matter of communications policy but could not instruct the Commission to act in a particular manner with regard to a regulatory matter such as issuing a licence. The issue of regulatory independence has come to the fore again not only in this recent debacle but also in relation the issue of licencing as mentioned previously where there are now two cases brought before the courts. In the case between the Minister and the winning consortium (Econet Wireless International) for the third mobile operator licence, is about the cancellation of the licence by the Minister on grounds that the interests of Kenyan investors had not been adequately catered for in the shareholding structure[xii]. The Minister is reported to have said that given the fact that most of the Kenyan shareholders represented in the original winning consortium had been thrown out after failing to honour their financial obligations meant that the national interests were not catered for which is part of the licence conditions. However, Econet Wireless International, in its application to the High Court, says that the Minister acted beyond his powers. Econet insists that it is only the Communications Commission of Kenya that has the power to cancel the licence. Another aspect of whether CCK can be considered an independent regulator or not is that section 27 and 36 of the Act makes provision for the Minister to make regulations.If the Minister makes the regulations for the body that is meant to regulate the communications sector, then that regulator can not really be said to be independent in the exercise of its regulatory functions. At worst the manner in which the Minister makes regulations could be seen as executive interference in the regulatory functions of CCK[xiii]. Finally the issue of regulatory independence is implied from the Act, in the provision of appointment of the Board of Directors at different times and thus ensuring a permanent and continuously functioning Board as mentioned previously. By having dissolved the board, it might seem that even if the Minister might have acted within the law he did however contribute to the situation of a weak regulatory institution as one discussant summed it . "the objectives and functions of the Board are to independently regulate an active, healthy and competitive market. Obviously, instability can disrupt a functioning market particularly if the source is uncertainty about the regulator"[xiv]. On the same note, as previously mentioned the State Corporations Act provides that the President may act through the Minister to revoke the appointment of any member of the Board or dissolve the entire Board at any time notwithstanding the provisions of any other written law or the articles of association establishing and governing a Board. This could be interpreted as a case of weak regulator that lacks independence given the likely interference by political factors. In such a situation such powers such as to dissolve a Board should hence be vested to Parliament and not the President or his Minister as the case is today. Amendments necessary to ensure the independence of CCK with respect to regulating the communication and information sector - The appointment of the CCK Board through a competitive and transparent procedure preferably through Parliament rather than the President or the Minister, with accountability to Parliament. - Protection against the arbitrary removal of Board members; - The freedom of the Board to appoint the CEO and staff; - An independent source of financing, preferably through the retention of a portion of licence fees; - Full licensing powers; - Full powers to make regulations. End Notes: [i] Kenya: Minister answers critics of his move on CCK board. http://africa.rights.apc.org/index.shtml?apc=n21843e_1&x=31257 [ii] Ibid [iii] Kenyan Govt dissolves Communications Regulator Board. http://africa.rights.apc.org/index.shtml?apc=s21843e_1&x=31166 [iv] Kenya: House committee summons Minister over CCK saga http://africa.rights.apc.org/index.shtml?apc=n21843e_1&x=31236 [v] Section 8. 1 (2) First Schedule, Kenya Communications Act of 1998 [vi] Section 7 -- The State Corporations, Act Cap. 446 [vii] Minister answers critics of his move on CCK board. http://www.eastandard.net/archives/cl/hm_news/news.php?articleid=15147 [viii] CCK Board was disbanded legally -Tuju http://www.kentimes.com/11mar05/nwsstory/other1.html [ix] One down, two to go. http://www.eastandard.net/archives/sunday/hm_news/news.php?articleid=147 39 [x] Reforms Eat Away SNO's Potential Market. http://www.nationmedia.com/eastafrican/01112004/Regional/Regional37.html [xi] Govt could miss SNO auction funds. http://www.nationmedia.com/dailynation/downloads/BusinessSunday1209.pdf [xii] One down, two to go. http://www.eastandard.net/archives/sunday/hm_news/news.php?articleid=147 39 [xiii] Kenya Communications Act Section 27 and 36. [xiv] Ernest Mwangi, Staff Fellow. Competition Policy & Economic Regulation. Kenya Leadership Institute //\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\ 3. FEATURED STORIES WSIS and Africa: Running with the Horses or Sleeping with the Dogs: If only this was a tale of thrills and great adventure in the land formerly known as the Gold Coast. Re-living the pleasures of gold explorers of the past centuries, or the horrors of Africans in the prime of their lives dragged in slavery. But alas, this is not the case; the streets are not paved with gold, but lined with countless hawkers, selling everything from foodstuffs to fake manufactured goods. A Ghanaian colleague laments "They are selling dog collars, when we don't have dogs in Ghana". A hyperbole, but the point is clear. And yet, at least for some, there is indeed a pot of gold somewhere, if the number of Benzes, BMWs, Jaguars, Range Rovers and the like, whizzing past the hawkers, are anything to go by. I was in Accra to attend the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) African Region preparatory committee conference for the second phase of the WSIS due to be held in Tunis, Tunisia in November 2005. Such conferences are always nice to attend, a chance to exercise your intellectual muscle in the company of the leading minds in the information Society in Africa and globally, while working for the good of mankind. The A-list of ICT in Africa was present, and even if you would consider yourself lucky to be on the F-list in the social and/or economic circles in your home country, this was your opportunity to be a "somebody". You can go home and hold you head high and say I contributed to making decisions that will affect the whole world. But did we make decisions that improve the lives of ordinary people; my thoughts are drawn back to the hawkers, risking their lives dodging traffic in the scorching heat just to earn a few Cedes (the local currency) for that night's meal. I'm filled with compassion for them, especially when one young lady approaches our car as we stop at a traffic light. Unfortunately for her, we are not buying anything, but we have time to speak to her as a fellow human being. It is heartbreaking to find out that she recently finished high school, but was unable to go on to tertiary level education. No one will even consider her for a "decent" job with only a high school certificate, but she has used her canning, self motivation and hard work to make a living, and isn't this what the potential employers that turned her away were looking for. As I enter the Accra International Conference Centre for another day of meetings, the question for me is; how can ICT be used to intervene positively in her life as well as keep the millions of young girls and boys in school from ending up with a career in "car-dodging". What are we doing about it? I sit in a few meetings to find out. On occasion I venture to make a contribution, but pressed for time, the meeting chairperson can only give the floor to so many as time will allow, and by default A-list members get first take. I make a mental note to speak to one of my friends among the conference organisers about the time provided for contributions from the house, and I'm even more encouraged about the organisation of future events, when the chair of one of the sessions (a cabinet minister from South Africa) notes that the organisers should have had a smaller panel, with more time for contributions from the house. But I digress. What are we doing to improve the lives of ordinary people like the hawker, Miss Ghana, (I unfortunately, didn't get her name)? I'd imagine the youth and gender caucuses would be here specifically to address this young lady's issues, so what were their recommendations? From the youth caucus; maximize the use of ICTs in the creation of employment and 'wealth' opportunities for youth and governments should commit resources and political will towards the translation of past recommendations into visible and sustainable action. The gender caucus suggestions ensure political commitment and implementation of gender equality and address women's economic empowerment issues in order for them to effectively participate and benefit from ICTs. They and other caucuses and groups also make mention of the Millennium Development Goals or MDGs and WSIS targets on poverty reduction, health services, access to information, governance etc. All this is nice and dandy, but what does it really mean. It is my personal (un-researched) opinion that most of Africa will not meet these targets. What with armed conflict in more countries on the continent than I would like to count, including my own - Uganda, constitutional violations, corruption etc, who are we fooling, but ourselves. I brought this up with a delegate at the conference, and to say I was disappointed with the response I got, is putting it diplomatically. The image of Miss Ghana, sweat running down her beautiful face in free-flow mode, and the millions of poor taxpayers whose money paid for delegates to attend the conference to make wise choices for them, flashed across my mind. What will I tell her the next time I stop at "her" traffic light. It's great that we have global targets to guide our activities, but if we know that we won't meet those targets, we should have a contigency plan in place already. For instance, if we cannot meet all the MDGs targets by 2015, what plans do we have to meet any missed targets by a later date, say 2020, or are we waiting for the rest of the world to meet the 2015 targets, set new targets for 2030, then we shift focus to those targets irrespective of whether or not we met the 2015 targets. Among my learned friends in the ICT sector, there is sweet phrase "leapfrog". New information and communication technologies will help us leapfrog this, that and the other. But are we forgetting that there is a process to everything, one must crawl before you can walk, walk before you can run and run before you can leap. Ask any athlete worth his/her salt about the value of a good run-up before a jump. The question then is where is Africa, are we crawling, walking, or running, to take full advantage of this leap-frogging ICT revolution. I leave you with what was the most enduring image from the conference - at least for me. What are we doing in the ICT4D campaign, running with the horses or sleeping with the dogs? The developed world will run with us if we get up and run, but will also let sleeping dogs lay. About the Author: Milton Aineruhanga, Program Officer - Women of Uganda Network (WOUGNET) and member of the Uganda WSIS National Taskforce. //\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\ Zambia's long march to an information society: Can a national information policy catalyse this process? Introduction and background Zambia is in a process of formulating a national information policy. Perhaps a million dollar question is, will Zambia's enactment of a national information Policy march the country to an information society? In many instances, Zambia has been in the forefront in the African continent as a pioneer in significant areas. For example when the wind of change from socialist to pluralist society was sweeping across continents, Zambia was one of the earliest country that embraced this change and become a model of democracy development for other countries in the sub region. Information and communications technologies (ICTs) are no exception too. Zambia was one of the first countries in the Sub Saharan Africa (outside South Africa) to have an Internet Service Provider (ISP) through Zamnet1. The Internet has revolutionalised and effectively contributed to both efficient and worldwide access to information. Yet with all this profile, the country has faced considerable challenges in implementing or solidifying its achievements. ICTs as tools for development The need for embracing ICTs as tools for sustainable development has been stressed at different fora. Koffi Annan, the United Nations Secretary General writing a foreword for the E-commerce Development Report, 2002 stated that ICTs were becoming an essential component that contributed to economic growth by integration of developing economies into the global economy2. The UN has set 2015 as a target for attaining Millennium Development Goals of halving the number of people in extreme poverty by building digital opportunities and putting ICT at their service development. In an earlier speech focusing specifically on Africa, Annan implored African leaders to mould their economies to become emphatic participants in the global economy by adopting ICTs and stated as follows: "Unless African countries become full actors in the global information revolution, the gap between the haves and have knots will widen, opening the possibility of increased marginalisation of the continent. On the other hand, participating in the information society offers tremendous opportunities for Africa to leap frog over passed development deficiencies into the future..." 3(Richardson, 1996) The above statement signifies the importance of embracing ICTs as a leverage tool for enhancing and accelerating development. An information society or economy has been described by Corgburn quoted in James (2001)4 as referring to "a new global economic infrastructure in wherein the production of goods and services dominate wealth and job creation, and is underpinned by the use of information and Communications technologies (ICTs) and global infrastructure." In other words, this entails that there is diffusion and use of information through out the social and economic system of any nation. The above cement views expressed by Moore 5who has gone further to list down critical success factors which therefore underpin such societies deemed to be moving towards an information society as follows: i. Organisations/ nations are becoming increasingly dependent on intelligent use of information and information technologies as a competitive factor ii. Individuals are becoming more active users of information. They use ICTs many of their daily activities both at home and at work iii. A whole new information industry is taking place The question to pose at this juncture then is, Is Zambia marching towards the attainment of the 2015 Millennium Development goals or moving towards being an information society? The attainments of such goals are enhanced with the formulation of tools such as a national information policy that is essentially a road map to the attainment of such envisioned goals. An information policy is simply a set of initiatives that promotes the use of tools and concepts associated with the global information society with a view of achieving national, social and economic development. Information policies are both proactive (shaping events) and reactive (responding to events). There are three identified types of information policy frame works and these are:6 a) Infrastructural (apply across society and affect the information sector both directly and indirectly) b) Vertical and; (apply to specific part of the information sector for a particular application) c) Horizontal (apply across society and affect the information sector both directly and indirectly) The emphasis here is that not any one type of policy can adequately address all the problems within the given context. Certain contexts are better addressed when viewed from within its sectoral context. Sectoral information policies are narrow focused looking into a particular sector such as e-commerce, Science and Technology and education, manufacturing, health, telecommunications and tourism information policies. What is in the offing for Zambia addresses components that are both infrastructural and horizontal in nature? One clear phenomenon with the current formulation of an information policy is that it is done in a quit atmosphere with no major political pronouncements made in reference to the significance of the exercise as the case is with the current review of the constitution. There is lack of political involvement in the whole exercise that may render it futile without the participation of political actors. There is a couple of evidence world wide to suggest that most examples of successful ICT and information policies development have been as a consequence of strategic political leadership involvement. Value of political leadership in policy formulation and drive In all cases where ICTs policies have been successfully undertaken, the presence of a champion either individual or lead institution can be identified. Leadership and champions are critical success factors in the successful ICT policy development and implementation. For example, former United States President Bill Clinton and his Vice Albert Gore7 played a significant role in the campaign for the establishment of the American Infrastructure Initiative. Closer home in the sub region, examples abound too. The African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa in its exile years prior to election prioritised ICTs as a key area and outlined its importance in national development. This had been consistently followed by progressive statements by the then Deputy President Thabo Mbeki 8in 1995 inviting Western countries to partner with Africa. At the International Union of Telecommunications (ITU) Conference the then President, Nelson Mandela9 stressed the potential of ICTs as a tool for development, hence the lobby for support. As such, South Africa, has rightly positioned herself in the global economy, the country is reaping from its investments in ICTs. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in its 2002 report projected that South Africa had earned US $ 0.5 billion in 2002 and is further projected to increase her earnings to US $6.1bn by 2006. This increase in e-commerce earnings has been necessitated by a number of businesses in South Africa that have adopted ICTs and turning their business into an e-commerce platform selling to customers beyond geographic boundaries particularly its tourism industry. UNCTAD report states for example that that the hard reality in the tourism industry today is that if you are not on line, you are not on sale10." In Uganda President Yoweri Museveni is also involved in spearheading government's drive to the use ICT for development particularly in the fight of HIV/AIDS. The government has since invited Microsoft as partner in infrastructure and software development. One clear observation on the Zambian scene is that, major policy platforms such as the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PSRP) and the National Indaba held not long ago for example have either underplayed or completely ignored the significance of ICTs and information policy as a global tool for wealth creation. Perhaps this has not much to do with such platforms but could be a deficiency that is inherent in the political system for not identifying and correctly interpreting world changes and the long-term impact on the nation. The general observation seems there is no single party in Zambia that has articulated its vision and focus on how to address critically the issue of marching Zambia forward to an information society. The way forward for Zambia What is the way forward then for Zambia? Several courses could be opted for in this march to attaining an information society status. But it would be important to realise that ICT initiatives should be anchored in the demonstration of political will need to be cultivated. There is need to address the following issues then: i. Political leadership should address the ICT challenge in their respective manifestos. Policies require political direction and leadership. It is therefore imperative that the information reforms agenda needs champions at the highest political and bureaucratic levels. The political leadership could be demonstrated at two levels, either as initiators (aware and eager to act) or potential supporters (not aware but willing) ii. The draft national information policy should be adequately circulated to allow for an open debate in order to synthesize ideas from a cross section of the nation. Further there is need to develop an in depth ICT sector development policies such as e-commerce, Science and Technology issues, education, tourism, manufacturing and health. iii. Government should call for a national indaba to specifically address issues and challenges posed by the ICT revolution as way of positioning the country and further avoid the consequences of marginalisation that may result from the neglect of implementing ICTs at a later stage. Conclusion In conclusion, Zambia's march to an information society may be a long one, but there is need to attract the participation of political leadership to show this subject matter. At the next round of Parliamentary elections, it will be great stride if we can visualize how ICTs could be utilised as an enabler in attaining the 2015 Millennium Development Goal by narrowing the digital divide between the urban and rural areas. However, its evident perhaps that the issue of marching on to an information society needs much concerted efforts. The time to act is now; procrastination will result into Zambia being marginalized and excluded in attaining the status of an information society or economy. About the Author: Mwala K. Sheba,is an Assistant Librarian at the Copperbelt University Library, in Kitwe, Zambia. End Notes 1 Sumaili, Ephraim. 1996. Zambia gets on the net. African Review of Business and Technology, June pp 21 2 UNCTAD (2002). E-commerce development report. - Geneva: UNCTAD 3 Richardson, Don (1996). The Internet and rural development: recommendations for a strategy and activity.- Rome: FAO 4 James, Tina (ed.) (2001). An information policy handbook for Southern Africa: a knowledge base for decision makers. - Ottwa:IDRC 5 Moore, Nick " information policies in Asia." Available at <http:www.iias.nl/iiasn8/general/informpo.html 6 James, Tina (ed.) (2001). An information policy handbook for Southern Africa: a knowledge base for decision makers. - Ottwa:IDRC 7 Telecommunications in an information age (n.d) The United States Information Agency 8 Mbeki,T (24 Feb 1995) South Africa and the information Super high way, G7conference on the Information Society, Brussels, Belgium cited in Mbeki, T (ed) (1998) Africa: time has come 9 James, Tina (ed.) (2001). An information policy handbook for Southern Africa: a knowledge base for decision makers. - Ottwa:IDRC 10 UNCTAD (2001). E-commerce Development report. - Geneva: UNCTADp 45 //\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\\//\ 6. 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