Afghanistan: The situation of press freedom one year after the fall of the Taliban



13 November 2001 ­ 13 November 2002
The situation of press freedom one year after the fall of the Taliban

  One year after the flight of the Taliban from Kabul, 150 publications are 
being sold on the streets of the city. Electronic media projects are 
springing up and dozens of journalists are taking advantage of the various 
forms of training established by international organisations.

The change is radical. After five years of Taliban domination, which had 
turned Afghanistan into "a country without news or pictures" (according to 
a Reporters Without Borders report in September 2000), the Afghan press 
today enjoys "unprecedented freedom," says editor Fahim Dashty of Kabul 
Weekly, the first privately-owned newspaper to reappear after the Taliban 
departure.

But this freedom has been achieved in the face of attempts to impose 
control on the part of the new government, which for the most part has its 
origins in the Northern Alliance. Furthermore, the situation of press 
freedom is still fraught in certain provinces such as Herat, where 
governors and warlords control almost all the news media and sometimes use 
force to muzzle journalists who criticise their power. The central 
government seems for the most part unable to stop these abuses, which have 
rarely been denounced by the United Nations.

Reporters Without Borders (Reporters sans frontières) sent a fact-finding 
mission to Afghanistan (Kabul and Jalalabad) from 24 to 29 October to look 
into the situation of press freedom there. This report assesses the first 
year of President Hamid Karzaiıs administration.


Press pluralism?

With 150 publications just to itself, the Afghan capital is enjoying a 
"media springtime." But appearances are deceptive. Firstly, almost all of 
these publications are weeklies in the Dari language (the form of Persian 
spoken by Afghanistanıs second-largest ethnic group, the Tajiks). Kabul has 
only one privately-owned publication exclusively in Pashto, the language of 
the largest ethnic group. This is the magazine Kegdai, which focuses on 
Pashto culture. "Obviously, there is discrimination against the Pashtos," 
said Mohamad Ajmal, who works with IWPR, an NGO that trains journalists. 
"No one dares to start an exclusively Pashto-language newspaper giving a 
Pashto view of the situation."

Furthermore, the state owns at least 35 of these publication and almost all 
of the electronic news media. The central government maintains a 
predominant role in the Afghan news media and criticism of the authorities 
is rare. "All this is a hangover from the communist era," a UN diplomat 
said. "Most journalists practice journalism in a very Soviet fashion."

"This is the time for rebuilding the country and turning it into a 
democracy,² said radio reporter and ACPC (journalists group) member Ekram 
Shinwari, adding that "the press does not level any severe criticism 
against the government or the warlords." His colleague Abdul Hai Warshan 
said, "There is no independent radio station or newspaper that dares tackle 
or investigate the actions of certain of the regimeıs strongmen. 
Journalists are afraid of being accused of supporting the Taliban or Al 
Qaida." Alexandre Plichon of the media support organisation AINA said 
Afghanistanıs journalists were not yet ready to take big risks when it 
comes to criticism. "You wonıt find any cartoons of strongmen such as 
Marshal Fahim, even in the satirical weekly Zanbil-e-Gham."

Nonetheless, press freedom has increased since May. Previously, during the 
first months of the interim government, the authorities did not hesitate to 
target independent publications. The information minister threatened the 
editors of Kabul publications at least five times. President Karzaiıs staff 
demanded that an Afghan television journalist be sanctioned. The foreign 
minister turned down requests for accreditation from Afghan journalists who 
worked for foreign news media.

Following pressure from the United Nations, from local and international 
organisations and from certain embassies in Kabul, such direct attacks 
ended in May. The UN spokesperson in Kabul, Manoel de Almeida e Silva, was 
optimistic: "State censorship no longer exists in Kabul, but we still see 
tension between the reformist and conservative camps within the government. 
This has repercussions on press freedom." The same conflicts are also found 
within the newspapers themselves.  For example, the weekly Payam-i-Mujahid, 
which has close links to Jamiat-e-Islami, an Islamist party in the 
coalition government, has a very conservative editorial line and published 
an insulting article about one of the women ministers in the government. 
Its editor, when director of Kabul TV, banned female singers from appearing 
on television. These conflicts have also affected the journalists union, 
which recently split into two distinct groups.

The Afghan state has also maintained departments that are pre-disposed to 
crack down on journalists. For example the secret services (known as the 
Amniat Millz, or National Security) have not disbanded a section that is 
tasked with surveillance of the news media.


A press law in need of reform

On 20 February, President Karzaiıs government promulgated a press law 
largely based on a law dating from April 1965. It guarantees plurality of 
information, but contains articles that curtail press freedom, especially 
Title 7 concerning "forbidden publications." It is forbidden to publish 
information that "offend Islam" or "weaken Afghanistanıs army." Sanctions 
are defined in Title 9 and must follow the sharia (Islamic law). A 
publication can be suspended when the article on forbidden content is violated.

The authorities at first rejected the criticism coming from organisations 
that defend press freedom. But for the past six months, the information 
ministry has been committed to a process for amending the law. Deputy 
information minister Abdul Hamid Moubarez proposed a series of amendments 
to the justice minister following recommendations made by participants in 
an international seminar on press freedom in Kabul in September. Moubarez 
told a Reporters Without Borders representative on 26 October that he had, 
in particular, proposed decriminalising press offences and eliminating the 
requirement for publications to obtain prior authorisation. However, the 
seminar made other recommendations, which Reporters Without Borders 
supports. They included protecting journalists by law from strict 
application of the sharia, and the creation of a mechanism for the fair 
distribution of radio and TV frequencies.

The penal code must also be revised as soon as possible because, as a study 
by the media support organisation Internews recently pointed out, it 
contains no less than 37 articles that provide for punishing journalists 
with prison sentences in connection with their work.


State-owned media serving the government

"You just have to read the style of dispatches put out by the Bakhtar news 
agency, which are repeated word for word by the television and radio, to 
realise that these media continue to be propaganda tools for the 
government," said a journalist with an international radio stationıs Pashto 
service. Television, radio and news agency certainly continue to be very 
dependent on the government, but the authorities have agreed to begin 
liberalising the electronic media. "We are not afraid of competition and it 
will help us to be more independent," state-owned television director 
Azizullah Aryafar told Reporters Without Borders.

Despite certain initial reticence, radio and television are open to 
programmes produced by NGOs or foreign stations. Thus, the news and 
entertainment programme Good Morning Afghanistan has been broadcast daily 
by the national radio station. "In eight months, we have never been 
censored," said Bent Norby of the Baltic Media Centre, which is responsible 
for this project.  At the same time, he acknowledges being at the mercy of 
a government decision. "Our programme could be eliminated from one day to 
the next if it displeases the information ministry." Deputy information 
minister Moubarez, for his part, said he no intention of intervening in the 
content of programmes. "We are in the process of establishing a commission 
that will enable Afghan television and radio to become public media and not 
government media," he told Reporters Without Borders.

The deputy information minister nonetheless maintains direct control over 
many decisions concerning the state-owned media. Journalists who work for 
these media said he intervenes in the choice of reports carried by the 
Bakhtar news agency. In May, Khaleel Menawee, the agencyıs deputy director, 
acknowledged that if "they refused to publish certain reports, they would 
risk losing their posts." Furthermore, in addition to his ministerial 
responsibilities, the minister heads the state radio and television reform 
commission and the commission for the granting of licenses. Nonetheless, 
UNESCO, the United Nations and certain development organisations have 
decided to provide a considerable amount of assistance to the public media. 
"It is necessary to build real public service media," UN spokesperson de 
Almeida e Silva said.

Because of the mediocre quality of the public radio programming, many 
Afghans listen to the dozen international stations that broadcast in Dari 
or Pashto. The BBC continues to be the radio station with the most 
listeners in Afghanistan. The BBC, Voice of America and Radio Free 
Afghanistan are all available on FM in Kabul. The national television 
competes with satellite and cable TV, which are developing.


Provincial media: the voice of the governors and commanders

"The provincial radio and television stations have been completely taken 
over by the governors," said Allan Geere of the press training organisation 
IWPR. "The content is very poor, just propaganda or local information. Itıs 
really Radio Governor." The journalists are under the thumb of the local 
authorities and cannot imagine working in an independent fashion. 
Information and Culture Minister Makhdoom Raheen raised this issue at a 
meeting in Kabul in September with all the provincial governors. He told 
Reporters Without Borders: "I received very regular complaints from local 
journalists who had been threatened or forced to obey local authorities. I 
firmly asked the governors to have this intimidation stopped. Since then, I 
have received no more complaints."

In Faisabad, capital of the northeastern province of Badakshan, the local 
television and radio stations and the local newspaper are all housed in the 
same government building. "The governor has direct control over the content 
of reports and the journalists are not allowed to put out reports from 
abroad," said a foreign journalist who recently visited Badakshan. In a 
report published in November, Human Rights Watch said the local television 
station in the western city of Herat censored all reports and video 
footage, especially footage of unveiled women, contrary to Governor Ismael 
Khanıs instructions. An entertainment programme was taken off after its 
third edition because, according to one of its presenters, "young girls 
recited poems that were sometimes satirical."

The independent print media are hardly any better off. Takhassos, a weekly 
published in the large western city of Herat by the Choura association of 
professionals, has been the target of repeated intimidation by the 
authorities since its creation. For example in May, at the time of the 
elections of the Loya Jirga traditional assembly, editor Rafiq Shaheer was 
detained and mistreated by members of the governorıs Amniat (security 
services). Governor Khan denied that there have been any attacks or 
intimidation of the journalists who produce Takhassos, which published an 
article on the use of the taxes levied by the governor. Since then, the 
weekly has significantly modified its editorial line and criticism is now 
virtually absent.

Local journalist Hasan Zada said:  "After the fall of the Taliban, the 
inhabitants of Herat expected the appearance of private independent 
publications that would express the peopleıs hopes and problems. But that 
has not happened yet." The control exercised by Governor Khanıs security 
services is the reason for this delay. The only publication that is really 
tolerated is the weekly Ittefaq-e-Islam which carries "Khanıs propaganda."

Since setting up in the Panshir valley north of Kabul, those in charge of 
Radio Solh (Radio Peace) have been the target of threats and intimidation 
from local commanders, especially Rasoul Sayef. One of the stationıs 
directors, Zakia Zaki, a woman, was threatened with death at the time of 
the stationıs installation in the city of Jebel-e-Sharat. Since then, the 
stationıs women reporters have been unable to work freely in the city. The 
local chiefs of Jamiat-e-Islami (a member of the Northern Alliance) have 
forbidden them to interview other women in the street.

Journalists in the eastern city of Jalalabad told Reporters Without Borders 
they got threats from mujahideen commanders. "Here we donıt have the press 
freedom President Karzai talks about in Kabul," said Muhammad Zubair, head 
of programming at the Jalalabad TV and radio station. At Mazar-i-Sharif, 
where there local warlords confront one another, at least 22 
privately-owned publications have already been launched. But at Kandahar, 
privately-owned publications are rare.


Surveillance of Afghan journalists working for the international press

Foreign journalists, eight of whom were killed during the last armed 
conflict, are no longer harassed as they were under Mullah Omar. Only the 
threats of armed groups, especially the Taliban, still pose a risk to the 
international press. A Canadian journalist was seriously injured in March 
by Taliban fire in the south, and anonymous leaflets have circulated in 
eastern Afghanistan calling for the abduction of "foreign reporters."

But the government still keeps a close watch on Afghan or Pakistani 
journalists working for the foreign media. In the weeks following the 
liberation of Kabul, Pakistanis recruited as drivers or fixers by foreign 
journalists were questioned and told to leave Afghanistan under threat of 
reprisals. The foreign ministry also opposed the presence in Kabul of 
correspondents of newspapers published in Pakistan. Danesh Karokhel, for 
example, was refused authorisation to be the permanent correspondent in 
Kabul for the Peshawar-based Pashto-language daily Wahadat. He told 
Reporters Without Borders:  ³Before November 2001, I regularly sent 
articles to this newspaper. In January, I requested a new authorisation 
from the foreign minister. I had supporting letters from members of 
President Karzaiıs cabinet. But the person in charge of the media 
department at the foreign ministry told me the minister did not want any 
Wahadat correspondent in Kabul.²  After being repeatedly censored, Wahadat 
is again available in certain newspaper kiosks in Kabul.

At the time of the Loya Jirga in May, Reuters correspondent Sayed 
Salahuddin reported that Marshal Fahim, the defence minister, had 
threatened the husband of the only woman candidate for president. The next 
day, a member of Fahimıs staff came and gave the journalist a warning. 
"Nothing happened to me, but at the time I was afraid of what might follow 
the threats," Salahuddin told Reporters Without Borders.  In the weeks 
following the Loya Jirga, he was summoned by foreign ministry officials and 
criticised for his "biased coverage" of the Loya Jirga and the situation in 
Afghanistan. And the ministryıs spokesman refused to speak to him for 
nearly two months.

Gul Rahim Naaymand, a stringer with the Voice of Americaıs Pashto service 
in the northern city of Kunduz, was detained for a day by the military on 
23 July. Officers took all his tape recordings in order to listen to them. 
He was released after Voice of America staff in Kabul intervened.

Sazed Kahim Shendandwal, the Voice of America Pashto serviceıs stringer in 
Herat, found that his request to renew his authorisation to work in the 
province was turned down by Governor Khanıs administration at the end of 
August. He lost his job as a result. The reason given by the local 
authorities was that he "is not known in the city." Herat-based stringers 
for the local language services of the BBC and Radio Free Afghanistan have 
also been subject to pressure from the local authorities, who have 
threatened not to renew their permits if their reports are overly critical.


Taboo subjects

"The list of taboo and sensitive subjects is long. Journalists are moving 
forward step by step," said Eric Davin, director of the AINA media centre 
in Kabul. Islam, ethnic tension, the crimes of the warlords, national unity 
and the figure of Shah Massoud are all subjects that journalists approach 
with the utmost caution. In mid-September, the Kabul public prosecutor 
closed the weekly Nawa-i-Abadi for having allegedly "insulted Islam." The 
newspaper had translated and published Italian Prime Minister Silvio 
Berlusconiıs recent comments on Islamıs supposed inferiority. Babrak 
Miankhel, a stringer in Jalalabad for the Pashto service of the BBC, said 
he felt in danger every time he did a story about the activities of the 
mujahideen chiefs. "I have to always remember that the people Iım talking 
about mustnıt feel theyıre being attacked.  If they do, itıs big trouble 
for me," he told Reporters Without Borders.

The authorities have also penalized journalists who have broached 
embarrassing topics. In April, President Karzaiıs staff asked the 
information minister to sanction state-owned television journalist Kabir 
Omarzai after he asked the president about the border problem between 
Afghanistan and Pakistan. Omarzai was removed from his post at the 
television station only to be reinstated after protests by Afghan 
journalists and international organisations. At that time Information 
Minister Raheen had told Omarzai that press freedom did not apply to him 
and that journalists "should not ask this kind of question."

Information ministry officials also went to the offices of Kabul Weekly to 
ask why it had published an article about this incident and, subsequently, 
the text of the letter which Reporters Without Borders sent to the 
information minister on the same subject. Kabul Weekly received a second 
warning in April after publishing an article on General Rashid Dostomıs 
federalist views. Dashty, the newspaperıs editor said: "We have received no 
summons or threat since May. Our only problems now are technical and 
financial ones."

In early October 2002, an Afghan cameraman known as Najib was kidnapped, 
beaten and left for dead in Mazar-i-Sharif, after he had helped a British 
reporter, Jamie Doran, make a documentary called "Massacre in Mazar" about 
the death of thousands of Taliban soldiers at the hands of Gen. Dostom and 
US forces.  The cameraman was hidden by friends and then he and his family 
sent to live in England.

Doran said Dostomıs men had gone about systematically eliminating anyone 
who had witnessed the massacres.  "Iıve just learned that two such people 
were killed by them and that others are in danger. This is what happens 
when you investigate the doings of warlords and their American patrons," he 
told Reporters Without Borders.

A group of foreign journalists including Barry Neild, an English-speaking 
Agence France-Presse correspondent, went to Mazar-i-Sharif in early October 
to investigate Taliban mass graves discovered in the region by a Newsweek 
reporter. A foreign ministry official in Mazar-i-Sharif told them that the 
person in charge of issuing authorisations for journalists had left for 
several days, so he could not give them one. He warned them that if they 
went to the region where the mass graves were located, they would be doing 
so at their own risk and attacks could not be ruled out. The reporters 
viewed this as a threat, and returned to Kabul.

The US military, deployed in most of the country, have on several occasions 
kept journalists at a distance from certain operational zones or from their 
"mistakes." At least six reporters have been struck by US soldiers or their 
Afghan auxiliaries since November 2001, especially in the Tora Bora zone. A 
Pakistani journalist was detained for four days by US soldiers when he was 
investigating the presence of troops along the border with Pakistan for the 
daily The Nation. In May, US and Afghan soldiers seized a radio transmitter 
in the eastern province of Khost that was broadcasting reports hostile to 
the central government.

US army authorities have also tried to prevent journalists investigating 
the death of more than 50 Afghans in the bombing of a marriage in southern 
Afghanistan. Television crews, especially Associated Press Television News, 
were denied access to the zone until 4 July so that no reports could be put 
out during the US independence day festivities. According to the Kabul 
correspondent of the British daily The Times, former journalists are 
working in Afghanistan alongside the armed forces to orient media coverage, 
especially reporting of "collateral damage." Finally, the US government has 
never responded to the accusations made by several organisation, including 
Reporters Without Borders, about the deliberate bombing of the Kabul 
installations of the Arabic-language satellite TV station Al Jazeera in 
November 2001. Several journalists in Kabul at the time claimed that the 
strikes deliberately targeted the Qatar-based stationıs technical 
installations in the Afghan capital.


Enquiry into the November 2001 murder of four journalists ­ manipulation 
and incompetence

On 9 February, an interior ministry official announced the arrest of two 
suspects in the murder of reporters Maria Grazia Cutuli, Julio Fuentes, 
Harry Burton and Azizullah Haidari on the road between Jalalabad and Kabul 
on 19 November 2001.  In March, Defence Minister Fahim told his counterpart 
from Italy (Cutuliıs country of origin) that suspects had been identified. 
Despite these two statements, and despite repeated requests from Reuters 
(which employed two of the victims) the authorities have never revealed the 
identity of the suspects or the evidence against them. The Reuters 
correspondent in Kabul said, "they told us in March that it was necessary 
to wait for the results of the investigation." However, in August, secret 
service officials told Reuters that they had identified someone who could 
facilitate the arrests of the suspects, but "the agency would have to pay."

Reporters Without Borders obtained information that tends to confirm that 
the secret services arrested a mujahideen commander from Sarobi province, 
Mohammed Tahir, in July. During interrogation, he reportedly claimed to 
have "bought personal effects of the four journalists in order to be able 
to identify the perpetrators of the murders." Tahir maintains his 
innocence, although he was reportedly denounced to the secret services. 
Since July, Reporters Without Borders has obtained no confirmation that 
Tahir is still being held nor any confirmation as to the arrest of other 
suspects.


Conclusions

One year after the defeat of the Taliban and the installation of President 
Karzaiıs government, most of the people questioned by Reporters Without 
Borders in Afghanistan gave a "positive" assessment of the situation of 
press freedom. There is no shortage of initiatives designed to consolidate 
independence and pluralism in the news media. Independent radio stations 
are expected to spread quickly throughout the country. Womenıs 
publications, such as Seerat, Malalai and Roz, are developing. The media 
centre established by AINA is a model that should be repeated in the 
provinces. The creation of a national distribution network by the Afghan 
humanitarian organisation DHAC is another encouraging sign. Khilid, a 
weekly published by DHAC, and eight other publications are already 
available in 28 of the countryıs 31 provinces. One of Khilidıs editors said 
it is being published "not to upset but to inform as many as possible." 
With a print run of more than 17,000 of which close to 90 per cent are 
sold, Khilid is one of the finest successes of the Afghan press.

Reporters Without Borders asks the Afghan government to accelerate the 
reform of the press law, so as to make it compatible with the international 
instruments that protect freedom of expression, especially the 
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The organisation also 
calls for a political will to promote press pluralism throughout the 
country. Press freedom must be respected in all parts of Afghanistan.

The organisation asks the interior and defence ministries to provide 
detailed information about the state of the investigation into the murder 
of the four journalists in November 2001, and it deplores certain 
quasi-announcements by authorities that were followed by no concrete progress.
Finally, Reporters Without Borders calls on the international community, in 
particular the United Nations and its mission in Afghanistan, to reinforce 
its assistance to the private news media, especially in the provinces. The 
organisation believes that assistance for the state-owned news media should 
be conditioned on the defence of greater pluralism in information.



Mission Report - November 2002
Inquiry: Vincent Brossel

This document was made possible through the financial support of the 
European Commission. The opinions expressed herein are solely those of 
Reporters without Borders and therefore should not be construed as 
representing, in any manner whatsoever, the official views of the European 
Commission.
--
Vincent Brossel
Asia - Pacific Desk
Reporters Sans Frontières
5 rue Geoffroy Marie
75009 Paris
33 1 44 83 84 70
33 1 45 23 11 51 (fax)
asia@rsf.org
www.rsf.org





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