[Asia Child Rights] WEEKLY NEWSLETTER Vol.2, No.15



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9 APRIL 2003: ACR WEEKLY NEWSLETTER Vol.2, No.15

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CONTENTS


THAILAND: NEW RESEARCH POINTS FINGER AT STATE FOR PUSHING CHILDREN TOWARDS 
DRUGS


INDONESIA: CHILDREN'S HEALTH FACES A SETBACK AS A RESULT OF ECONOMIC DOWNTURN


IRAQ: CHILD GUERILLAS AMONG THE DANGERS


IRAQ: SAMAR'S STORY


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ACR Weekly Newsletter will carry reports of children in Iraq along with 
other news from around Asia in light of the on-going War on Iraq. To 
contribute to our newsletter, email us at <mailto:acr@ahrchk.net>acr@ahrchk.net
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THAILAND: NEW RESEARCH POINTS FINGER AT STATE FOR PUSHING CHILDREN TOWARDS 
DRUGS


Thailand's recent frenzied 'War on Drugs' has not only received heavy 
criticism for indiscriminate killings but also it's ineffectiveness in 
weaning young teens away from drugs.


The government has blamed drug dealers but a recent research study by the 
Child Watch programme points it's finger at the state for having failed to 
provide teenagers with sufficient avenues to express themselves creatively 
and constructively. The programme, which is supported by the Thailand 
Research Fund looked at recreational outlets for youths and the pattern of 
their behaviour in 12 provinces across the country. The findings were 
eye-opening.


The research found that for every 1 recreational outlet (such as parts or 
sports grounds) in a province, children had access to 10 sex-related 
entertainment places (such as bars, pubs, karaoke places, massage parlours 
and brothels). In Phuket alone, 574 entertainment venues adorn the 543sqkm 
of the island, or there is one bar for every square kilometer or 455 
residents. The research also notes that age limits at all of these places 
is a farce, rarely enforced.


Apart from lack of infrastructural avenues available to children, the 
research also notes the growing consumerist mindset evolving among 
teenagers as being responsible children's attraction towards drugs. The 
only message that teenagers receive these days, from all forms of media, is 
the need to be rich and look good, there is little that moral anchors such 
as religion or family can do to keep children away from such temptations 
unless helped by the state.


Recognising that teenage is the most fragile period in a child's life when 
he/she is in the process of developing their identity and self-esteem at 
the same time seeking independence, the research mentions that there is a 
need to provide children with avenues to explore and experiment so that 
they become willing to tread alternative paths.


This research for the first time has pointed it's fingers at policy makers 
for not having done enough to stop children from getting involved in drugs. 
The War on Drugs may be a futile investment unless these new findings are 
considered seriously and worked upon. [Sanitsuda Ekachai, Bangkok Post]
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INDONESIA: CHILDREN'S HEALTH FACES A SETBACK AS A RESULT OF ECONOMIC DOWNTURN


No improvement has been made in the overall health condition of children in 
the country as the economic crisis has plunged most of the population into 
poverty, Minister of Health Achmad Sujudi said speaking at a press 
conference held on the Waorld Heath Day, April 7th this year.


He said that the main reason for the stagnating health among children was 
mainly due to increasing poverty and the only way to remedy this would be 
by undertaking poverty alleviation programmes.


Infant mortality rates in Indonesia have been fluctuating since the crisis 
battered the country in 1997. In 1998, the country succeeded in decreasing 
the mortality rate from 60 per 1,000 life babies in 1995 to 49. However, in 
2001 the rate rose to 51.


Children living in conflict-affected areas in Indonesia such as Poso and 
Aceh have been reduced to live as refugees in camps that do not have basic 
sanitation and drinking water facilities. Acute respiratory infections and 
diarrhoea caused by air pollution, unsafe drinking water and poor 
sanitation are already the main cause of death for children aged one to 
four years old. In 2001, acute respiratory infections mortality rate 
reached 23 percent, while diarrhea reached 13 percent. Considering this 
reality Indonesian children living as refugees face a much greater risk of 
disease and death. A situation that cannot remian ignored for much longer. 
[Jakarta Post]
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IRAQ: CHILD GUERILLAS AMONG THE DANGERS


[By Gal Luft, The Age]


Urban warfare, as the ancient Chinese philosopher Sun Tzu concluded, is the 
lowest form of warfare. The kind of fighting coalition forces are likely to 
face in Baghdad involves complicated command-and-control challenges and 
presents soldiers and commanders with unparalleled tactical and ethical 
dilemmas. One such challenge is the Iraqis' use of children as urban 
guerilla fighters.


The last Western military to face the perils of child guerillas was the 
Israeli army during Operation Defensive Shield in March-April 2002. In the 
Jenin refugee camp - a cramped space inhabited by more than 15,000 people - 
the Israelis became involved in fierce fighting with hundreds of militants. 
Many were children. Veterans of the battle reported that Palestinian 
children threatened them just like adult combatants, and in some cases 
proved to be no less lethal.


American soldiers marching into Baghdad might face a similar challenge.


Iraq has one of the worst records of child participation in warfare. 
Children are trained from very young to protect and defend the regime.


During the Iran-Iraq war, boys as young as 12 were part of the Iraqi 
military, and many of them died in suicide missions such as clearing 
minefields. Since the 1991 Gulf War, Saddam Hussein's regime has recruited 
thousands of Iraqi boys, teaching them to use small arms.


Saddam also has created child-soldier units - Ashbal Saddam, or Saddam's 
Lion Cubs.


The Cubs have trained about 8000 young men in Baghdad alone who are 
considered to be well schooled in combat.


The child units supply manpower to the Fedayeen Saddam, the paramilitary 
organisation controlled by Saddam's son Uday, which is likely to spearhead 
the Iraqi resistance campaign within Baghdad.


Child abuse is not limited to Saddam and his party. The Kurdistan Workers 
Party, operating within Iraq, has been using an estimated 3000 children, 
reported to be as young as seven, and, like Saddam, has created regiments 
specifically for children. Other armed opposition groups, such as the 
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, have been known to use soldiers as young as 10.


Pictures of innocent-looking children killed by coalition soldiers are 
likely to resonate across the world, especially in those countries where 
opposition to the war is strong.


But those likely to face the toughest ethical and moral dilemmas are allied 
men and women in uniform. Should they grant Saddam's Cubs immunity, or 
should they treat them like adults?


Most Western militaries still harbour cultural inhibitions about targeting 
children. Soldiers tend to get confused and hesitant when facing little men 
with guns, even when the rules of engagement allow them to use force 
against any enemy threatening them.


Deciding to pull the trigger on Saddam's Lion Cubs will probably be the 
most difficult thing this war requires them to do.


Gal Luft is a former Israeli battalion commander in Jenin.
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IRAQ: SAMAR'S STORY


[Kim Sengupta, Independent UK]


Samar Hussein was killed by a bomb that fell on dusty farmland miles 
outside Baghdad. But, as Kim Sengupta discovers, she is just one of this 
war's forgotten victims


Samar Hussein was in the kitchen helping her aunt Alia Mijbas to make 
breakfast when the missile landed. The farmhouse where they lived, like 
most of the hoes in the area, is built of a soft, brown stone, and the 
explosion was close enough for shrapnel to cut through the house's outer 
walls like butter and slice into Samar's stomach. Alia was struck on both 
legs by razor-sharp fragments, while her five-year-old son Mahmood, who was 
drinking a glass of milk, was hit on the chest and shoulders. The blast 
knocked over the cooker, which burst into flames, severely burning one of 
Mahmood's brothers, 11-year-old Sahal. All were rushed to hospital, but 
Samar died before they got there. She was 13 years old.


The victims of this particular explosion were in Manaria, a village in 
Mohammedia district, about 30 miles south of Baghdad. Since the war began, 
this mostly rural area of dusty brown fields and quiet villages has seen 53 
inhabitants injured and 22 killed.


These figures don't come from Iraqi government ministers as they tot up the 
numbers of victims of "American and British aggression" during their daily 
news conferences in Baghdad. Instead, I learnt of these deaths from a 
doctor at the local hospital. For it seems that, while vivid atrocities in 
Baghdad - such as the marketplace bombings at Sha'ad and Shu'ale, which 
killed 72 people in two days - get huge international publicity, everyone, 
including Saddam Hussein's regime, is unaware of the steadily rising number 
of casualties in the rural areas just outside the capital.


What is happening in Mohammedia emerged only by chance. Last Saturday, 
after the press had been taken to view the aftermath of the bombing of 
Shu'ale, the Ministry of Information announced that "another big massacre" 
had taken place, this time in Mohammedia. I and a handful of journalists 
negotiated the red tape necessary for even such a short trip outside 
Baghdad, and
traveled to the Mohammedia Hospital. We discovered that there had in fact 
been "just" one death, Samar's (later, senior officials at the Ministry of 
Information would "apologise" for this low body count, explaining that they 
had been misinformed by their subordinates).


At the hospital I met Alia Mijbas, who, though injured herself, was trying 
to comfort her son Mahmood as he lay screaming in the next bed. The doctors 
had told her that he had very little chance of pulling through; they said 
her son Sahal would survive, but would be disfigured by his burns. "It is 
very hard to see Mahmood suffer like this," she told me. "I wish I could do 
something, but I cannot. I am also worried about my other son - he too is
suffering badly. Why did this happen?"


Alia's doctor is Luay Nhayim, a young, English-speaking medic at the 
hospital, who trained in Dublin. Unprompted by any ministry minder, he told 
me that he and his colleagues were both surprised and alarmed by the number 
of bomb victims being brought to the hospital. They were not aware - and he 
stressed the word "aware" carefully - that there were any large military 
installations in the vicinity. Dr Nhayim then showed me a list of the names 
of dead and injured, and asked if I had any idea why this small group of 
villages had been targeted. So I went back to Manaria.


To reach the village of Manaria, where about 50 families make their living 
from the land, you drive down a narrow, winding and unpaved road through 
dusty brown fields. Samar's home is surrounded by these fields, encircled 
by irrigation channels and swaying stalks of wheat. The only signs of the 
missile that killed Samar last Saturday morning are a small crater and the
pockmarks of shrapnel damage scattered across the house walls and the 
family's battered Toyota Cressida.


"We heard a plane and went outside; it was very loud," 12-year-old Ahmed, 
one of Samar's brothers, told me. "One of my aunts grabbed me and pulled me 
around the corner. There was a big, big sound, and smoke. Then I heard 
screaming inside."


Samar's 40-year-old mother, Hamida, was telling her not to go out when the 
missile exploded. "She just fell. I could see blood coming from her 
stomach. She was gasping, and as I ran to her she was crying, 'Mama, 
Mama'... It was so terrible." She stopped, and wiped her eyes with her 
black chador before continuing. "There were others also hurt, and everyone 
was crying and screaming. We had to wait for a car because ours was so 
badly damaged. But I knew my Samar would not last until we got to the 
hospital. And that is what happened - she died in my arms..." Hamida's 
voice faded away.


Samar's formal education had ended earlier this year, when she had been 
taken out of school to help with the farm. But she loved reading, and wrote 
the family's letters for them. "She made me promise her that when we could 
afford it she would go back to school," said her father, Jasem Hussein. 
"Maybe it would have been possible, but now all that is gone. I do not know
why they did this, I do not understand."


There is a similar incomprehension, as well as anger, in two other villages 
in the district, Zambrania and Talkana. Between them they have lost 19 
people in a series of air attacks. Two members of the al-Yussuf family died 
in Zambrania. One, 12-year-old Ibrahim, had been sent there from Baghdad to 
stay with relations because his parents thought the capital was too
dangerous.


Selim Haidari al-Yussuf, 54, told me that his 17-year-old son, Jalal, and 
Ibrahim, his nephew, died as they were making their way to a neighbour's 
house. "It was around midday, and my wife had just said the two boys would 
be eating their lunch with my friend Abdullah, who has the next farm. Then 
we heard something going very fast through the air, and then the loud noise.


"I started running straight away - I knew something bad had happened. When 
I got there I found Ibrahim was dead and Jalal was very hurt. He had a big 
open wound in his neck and there was blood pouring out. He was taken to 
hospital: he died there." Al-Yussuf, a tall man with a ramrod-straight 
back, sagged suddenly, sitting down on a rug on the ground and putting his 
head in his hands. His wife Rahima knelt beside him and stroked his hair.


Then he looked up and made a grab for a rifle leaning against a nearby 
tree. "I shall never forgive them for what they did to the two boys. For 
what? For what? We are farmers, we were not fighting in this war. But now I 
shall fight. I shall try to kill American and British soldiers when I meet 
them.


Allah will know I am in the right." Three other men in his family joined 
in, proclaiming loudly that they will avenge their deaths. This may, of 
course, have been bravado, but they all carried AK-47 semi-automatics, arms 
handed out by the authorities to fight the invasion.


At Talkana, near Rashid, 68-year-old Amina al-Nimr lay on a string bed 
outside her home, her left leg and arm heavily bandaged. She had been 
carrying bread back to the house where three generations of her family live 
when she was caught by the blast from an exploding missile. A 50-year-old 
neighbour, Khursa Ali, was killed. "She was a young woman compared to me,
and one of her daughters had just got married. But she died and I lived," 
said Mrs al-Nimr. "But I am in much pain. I have bones broken and cuts. 
When one gets to my age, the pain is worse. I remember very little of what 
happened. There was a noise and a strong force that threw me down. They 
told me later it was a bomb."


The dead from both villages are buried in desolate rows of graves at the 
Haj Khudair cemetery, a garden of sand and mud. The newest grave, a mound 
of grey earth, is that of Samar Hussein. In the rows behind her are the 
rest of the dead brought in during the last fortnight, matching many of the 
names in the hospital's casualty list.


Daoud, the cemetery's caretaker, was re-arranging some palm fronds covering 
the graves. "There have been more people buried here in the last two weeks 
than in the last two years. I knew some of them. They were killed by the 
Americans and the British," he said. "They all had simple ceremonies, 
because none of these people are rich. What is so sad is that many of those 
brought here were so young. We heard about the bombings in Baghdad and 
Basra, but we did not expect them here."


Why should they have? There is nothing within half a mile of these villages 
apart from fields. As of yesterday, the US army has been moving through 
this area on its way to Baghdad, but in the previous weeks, when these 
villagers died, there was no sign of any military presence apart from a few 
checkpoints manned by bored local militia, who were only too keen to talk to
someone with news of Baghdad. Both Hassan Ali Hussein, the village headman 
at Manaria, and Abdullah Amran, a captain in the militia, were adamant that 
there had been no movement of Iraqi military in the area that could have 
attracted the US and British warplanes. "What made them think there were 
soldiers or weapons there?" asked Captain Amran. "The land is flat, you can 
see to the distance. Can you see even anti-aircraft guns? They are not here 
because no one thought they were needed to defend farms."


Hassan Hussein agreed. "There is nothing hidden here. Even if the Americans 
thought something was hidden, why are they attacking the villagers instead 
of the hiding places? What do they want to achieve by this? All the men 
here now want to fight the Americans and British, because, surely, they 
want to kill us." As if in agreement, as we spoke, a bomb exploded 500 
yards away.
It had landed on a patch of barren land.


Back at Mohammedia Hospital, Dr Nhayim was as perplexed - and concerned - 
as ever. "We were prepared to deal with casualties should any land fighting 
occur near here. But we were completely taken by surprise by the bombings - 
we don't know the cause, and we don't think they are justified. My 
colleagues who worked here during the 1991 conflict tell me too that the
type of wounds we are seeing now is different - there is more deep 
penetration. The weapons are more advanced. We suspect they are cluster bombs."


So far, the US and British forces have said nothing about the casualties in 
Mohammedia, though they have claimed that civilian deaths in Baghdad were 
caused by Iraqi anti-aircraft shells falling back to ground or - worse - 
were engineered by the Iraqis as a form of black propaganda. However, the 
type of damage inflicted - and some of it does look suspiciously like the 
result of cluster bombs - along with the fact that the Baghdad regime has 
not sought to capitalise on, and indeed seems unaware of, what is happening 
here, makes an Iraqi set-up seem unlikely.


There is always the possibility that American planners at Central Command 
have information showing that these isolated villages contain secret 
caches, part of Saddam's arsenal. Or, perhaps, those people I thought were 
farmers were in fact Republican Guards in disguise. But what is much more 
likely is that the deaths in these villages are the result of 
misinformation, or simple human error. This does, of course, happen; I have 
seen it in Afghanistan and Kosovo.


Whatever the cause, the result has been to sow a deep enmity - and a desire 
for retribution - in the hearts and minds of precisely those people 
Washington and London most want to win over. And if that is happening in 
Mohammedia, it is almost certainly happening in the rest of Iraq.


(In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material is 
distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in 
receiving the included information for research and educational purposes.)


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